The sentiment for independence gained ground early in 1776. By the spring, various provincial assemblies were ready to authorize their delegates in Congress to vote for independence. Generally, representatives from those colonies that had seen fighting — New England and the south — were more ready to embrace such a measure than those from middle colonies like Pennsylvania and New York, which had been more peaceful. In the end, the impetus for independence could not be denied. The wounds of a year of war, the continuing hostility of the British government, tangibly expressed in a gathering armament under General Howe, and the eloquence of advocates such as Paine could not be answered by any countervailing arguments. Opponents of independence could plausibly point out the dangers of separating from Britain; what they could not do was demonstrate how American rights could ever be safe again under British rule.

As early as January, the Massachusetts delegation received instructions that opened up the possibility of supporting independence. Similar freedom was given to the South Carolina delegation in March and the Georgia delegation in April. The loyalist uprising in North Carolina and Lord Dunmore's depredations in Virginia led the Patriots in these colonies to demand separation from Britain as well. On April 12, the North Carolina legislature gave its congressional delegation permission to vote for independence. Virginia went even further. On May 15, the Virginia delegation to Congress was told to propose American independence.

Richard Henry Lee obeyed these instructions on June 7. He submitted a resolution that read, “Resolved: That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.” Lee also called for a confederation of the colonies and for a diplomatic effort to find allies in Europe. Implicit in Lee's resolutions was a recognition that Americans would carry on the war, not as rebels against their lawful sovereign, but as citizens of a confederation threatened by aggression.

This was truly revolution. Not only was Lee demanding the end of a time-honored imperial relationship with Britain and the creation of new “Continental” governmental institutions, but he was asking of Americans an existential revolution that would reshape how they understood themselves. Here was tacit acknowledgement of John Adams's point that the revolution was effected in people's hearts and minds before it was won on the battlefield.

Congress vigorously debated the resolution for independence. Distinguished men opposed the resolution, among them John Dickinson, Robert Morris, and James Wilson of Pennsylvania and James Duane of New York. John Dickinson, who had won fame as the author of the Letters from an American Farmer, argued most passionately against independence. He still hoped for the possibility of reconciliation with Britain and feared the escalating effect a declaration of independence would have on the war. He wanted a limited war for limited objectives. Dickinson was wise enough to recognize that the revolution and its war were escaping the control of cautious men like him. He was courageous enough to defend his principles in a losing battle. He acknowledged to his fellow congressmen, “My conduct this day I expect will give the finishing blow to my … popularity. Yet I had rather forfeit popularity forever, than vote away the blood and happiness of my countrymen.”

Dickinson argued that independence would alienate America's friends in Britain. It would also intensify the divisions among Americans. He did not believe the colonies were prepared to fight the all-out war with Britain that would ensue if independence was declared. Britain was the greatest military power in the world. In such a war, it would lay waste the towns and cities of the colonies. All would be ruined. If the Americans were able to protract their resistance, they and their British opponents would be so weakened that the predatory French and Spanish would sweep in and subject the colonies to the rule of their traditional enemies.

The proponents of independence pointed out that the actions of the British government ruled out reconciliation on Dickinson's terms. The King and Parliament were determined to crush American resistance. Under such circumstances, independence and confederation offered the best hope of maintaining American unity in the face of this threat.

As Benjamin Franklin memorably put it, “We must hang together, or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately.” No one could deny the dangers America faced from the British. One of the best ways to counter British power would be to court the French and Spanish governments that Dickinson feared. But rebels would never win their assistance; only representatives of a sovereign state could treat with Paris and Madrid. Finally, independence was a reality expressed by Congress itself. The colonists were already beginning to think of themselves as Americans as well as provincials. Thomas Jefferson wrote, “The question was not whether, by a declaration of independence, we should make ourselves what we are not; but whether we should declare a fact which already exists.”